U.S. Counterterrorism Efforts in Syria PDF Download

Author: Nonproliferat Subcommittee on Terrorism
Publisher: Createspace Independent Publishing Platform
ISBN: 9781519474629
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 0

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On September 10th, 2014, President Obama announced that the United States would "degrade and ultimately destroy ISIS." The terrorist group keeps on moving across the Middle East killing those who stand in its way by raping, pillaging, and murdering those who disagree with ISIS. ISIS controls half of Syria and large parts of Iraq. Despite the U.S. spending billions in a counterterrorism strategy, the terrorist groups numbers have not decreased; in fact, ISIS has grown in size with affiliates now all over the world, including Indonesia, Yemen, Egypt, and Libya. The U.S. $3.7 billion air strike campaign has been plagued with little measurable successful results. Our intelligence estimates that ISIS' numbers are the same as they were when the air strikes started. The reality is just as bleak on the online battlefield. ISIS has 30 to 40,000 social media accounts. It uses the internet to spread its propaganda, raise money, and find recruits as far away as Washington State. In 2011, the administration promised a strategy to combat terrorists' use of social media. Four years later, the administration still has not shown us that strategy; no plan, no degrading of ISIS, no defeating of ISIS.

Author: United States. Congress
Publisher: Createspace Independent Publishing Platform
ISBN: 9781981316816
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 56

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U.S. counterterrorism efforts in Syria : a winning strategy? : hearing before the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fourteenth Congress, first session, September 29, 2015.

Author: United States. Congress
Publisher: Createspace Independent Publishing Platform
ISBN: 9781976461354
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 56

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Book Description
U.S. counterterrorism efforts in Syria : a winning strategy? : hearing before the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fourteenth Congress, first session, September 29, 2015.

Author: Congressional Research Service
Publisher: Createspace Independent Publishing Platform
ISBN: 9781973754626
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 46

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The Syrian civil war, now in its seventh year, continues to present new challenges for U.S. policymakers. Following a deadly chemical weapons attack in Syria on April 4, 2017, and subsequent U.S. strikes against Syrian military infrastructure and pro-regime forces, Members of Congress have called on the President to consult with Congress about Syria strategy. Other Members have questioned the President's authority to launch strikes against Syria in the absence of specific prior authorization from Congress. In the past, some in Congress have expressed concern about the international and domestic authorizations for such strikes, their potential unintended consequences, and the possibility of undesirable or unavoidable escalation. Since taking office in January 2017, President Trump has stated his intention to "destroy" the Syria- and Iraq-based insurgent terrorist group known as the Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIL, ISIS, or the Arabic acronym Da'esh), and the President has ordered actions to "accelerate" U.S. military efforts against the group in both countries. In late March, senior U.S. officials signaled that the United States would prioritize the fight against the Islamic State and said that Syrian President Bashar al Asad's future would be determined by the Syrian people. Nevertheless, following the April 4 attack, President Trump and senior members of his Administration have spoken more critically of Asad's leadership, and it remains to be seen whether the United States will more directly seek to compel Asad's departure from power while pursuing the ongoing campaign against the Islamic State. Since late 2015, Asad and his government have leveraged military, financial, and diplomatic support from Russia and Iran to improve and consolidate their position relative to the range of antigovernment insurgents arrayed against them. These insurgents include members of the Islamic State, Islamist and secular fighters, and Al Qaeda-linked networks. While Islamic State forces have lost territory to the Syrian government, to Turkey-backed Syrian opposition groups, and to U.S.-backed Syrian Kurdish and Arab fighters since early 2016, they remain capable and dangerous. The IS "capital" at Raqqah has been isolated, but large areas of central and eastern Syria remain under the group's control. The presence and activities of Russian military forces and Iranian personnel in Syria create complications for U.S. officials and military planners, and raise the prospect of inadvertent confrontation with possible regional or global implications. Since March 2011, the conflict has driven more than 5 million Syrians into neighboring countries as refugees (out of a total prewar population of more than 22 million). More than 6.3 million other Syrians are internally displaced and are among more than 13.5 million Syrians in need of humanitarian assistance. The United States is the largest donor of humanitarian assistance to the Syria crisis (which includes assistance to neighboring countries hosting refugees), and since FY2012 has allocated more than $6.5 billion to meet humanitarian needs. In addition, the United States has allocated more than $500 million to date for bilateral assistance programs in Syria, including the provision of nonlethal equipment to select opposition groups. President Trump has requested $191.5 million in FY2018 funding for such assistance and $500 million in FY2018 defense funds to train and equip anti-IS forces in Syria. U.S. officials and Members of Congress continue to debate how best to pursue U.S. regional security and counterterrorism goals in Syria without inadvertently strengthening U.S. adversaries or alienating U.S. partners. The Trump Administration and Members of the 115th Congress-like their predecessors-face challenges inherent to the simultaneous pursuit of U.S. nonproliferation, counterterrorism, civilian protection, and stabilization goals in a complex, evolving conflict.

Author: United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade
Publisher:
ISBN:
Category : National security
Languages : en
Pages : 51

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Author: Michael B. Kraft
Publisher: CRC Press
ISBN: 1315354373
Category : Law
Languages : en
Pages : 259

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"Writing with years of experience in government, Ambassador Edward Marks and Michael Kraft have produced a splendid history of America’s long campaign against terrorism. The book analyzes the recent changes in technology and tactics that have profoundly altered today’s terrorist challenge...to understand where we are and how we got there, start here."—Brian Michael Jenkins, The Rand Corporation "...This book provides important perspective on where the United States has been in this fight and how that fight must evolve in the new administration. It is must reading for the Trump Administration and anyone else seriously concerned about the next steps in this long struggle." —Brig. Gen. Francis X Taylor, USAF (Rtd.), Former U.S. Coordinator for Counterterrorism and DHS Under Secretary for Intelligence and Analysis "...an indispensable guide to U.S. counterterrorism efforts and policies spanning five decades and nine presidencies ... (The book) fills a significant gap in the literature by providing an invaluable historical context to this unending struggle." —Professor Bruce Hoffman, Director, Security Studies, Georgetown University "A clear and comprehensive survey of American policy toward terrorism over the past half century ... it provides essential background for analysis of future policy." —Martha Crenshaw, Center for International Security and Cooperation, Stanford University U.S. Counterterrorism: From Nixon to Trump - Key Challenges, Issues, and Responses examines the "war on modern terrorism," from the Nixon administration to the early stages of the Trump administration. The book describes the evolution of U.S. counterterrorism responses to the changing terrorist threats, from primarily secular groups, to those with broad-reaching fundamentalist religious goals such as ISIS. The authors highlight the accelerating rate of changes in the terrorism situation from modern technology; the internet, "lone wolf" terrorists, cyber threats, and armed drones. The book describes the Bush Administration’s dealing with terrorism as an existential threat and a Global War on Terrorism following 9/11. It then discusses how the Obama administration both continued and modified previous policies. The book provides an extensive list of key documents for those interested in the original texts and a discussion of legal issues. U.S. Counterterrorism provides insights and a useful backdrop for future decisions by the new administration and Congress.

Author: U. S. Military
Publisher:
ISBN: 9781521242599
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 388

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This unique book reproduces a number of reports and government documents about the threat of ISIS (ISIL) and the Islamic State, along with wars in Iraq and Syria. Titles in the collection include: Regional Impact of U.S. Policy Towards Iraq and Syria * The Growing Strategic Threat of ISIS * The Administration's Strategy To Confront Isis * ISIS: Defining The Enemy * Ancient Communities Under Attack: ISIS's War On Religious Minorities * The President's Request for Authorization to Use Force Against ISIS: Military And Diplomatic Efforts * The Evolution of Terrorist Propaganda: The Paris Attack and Social Media * U.S. Counterterrorism Efforts in Syria: A Winning Strategy? Secretary of State Kerry, in calling for an authorization for the use of force against ISIS, noted: Our Nation is strongest, always has been, when we act together. It is a great tradition in this country of foreign policy having a special place, that politics ends at the water's edge, and that we will act on behalf of our Nation without regard to party and ideology. We simply cannot allow this collection of murderers and thugs to achieve, in their group, their ambition, which includes, by the way, most likely the death or submission of all those who oppose it, the seizure of land, the theft of resources, the incitement of terrorism across the globe, the killing and attacking of people simply for what they believe or for who they are. And the joint resolution that is proposed by the President provides the means for America and its representatives to speak with a single powerful voice at this pivotal hour. The President already has statutory authority to act against ISIL, but a clear and formal expression of this Congress' backing at this moment in time would dispel doubt that might exist anywhere that Americans are united in this effort. Approval of this resolution would encourage our friends and our partners in the Middle East. It would further energize the members and prospective members of the global coalition that we have assembled to oppose Daesh. And it would constitute a richly deserved vote of confidence in the men and women of our Armed Forces who are on the front lines prosecuting this effort on our behalf. Your unity would also send an unmistakable message to the leaders of Daesh. They have to understand they cannot divide us. Do not let them. They cannot intimidate us, and they have no hope of defeating us. The resolution that we have proposed would give the President a clear mandate to prosecute the armed component of this conflict against Daesh and associated persons or forces which we believe is carefully delineated and defined. And while the proposal contains certain limitations that are appropriate in light of the nature of this mission, it provides the flexibility that the President needs to direct a successful military campaign. And that is why the administration did propose a limitation on the use of enduring offensive ground combat operations. ISIL is distinctive, however, because it holds territory and will continue-if not stopped-to seize more; because of its financial resources; because of the destabilizing impact of its activities on the broader Middle East; because of its pretentions to worldwide leadership; and because it has already been culpable in the violent death of Americans. I don't need to review for this committee the full litany of outrages committed by ISIL, but I will say that among them are atrocities against the Assyrian Christian and Yazidi religious communities; the crucifixion of children; the sale and enslavement of women and girls; the hideous murder of captives from as near as Jordan and as distant as Japan; the destruction of irreplaceable cultural sites; and the plunder and destruction of cities and towns in which followers of Islam worship, work, and raise their families.

Author: Joana Cook
Publisher: Oxford University Press, USA
ISBN: 0197506550
Category : Political Science
Languages : en
Pages : 582

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The 9/11 attacks fundamentally transformed how the US approached terrorism, and led to the unprecedented expansion of counterterrorism strategies, policies, and practices. While the analysis of these developments is rich and vast, there remains a significant void. The diverse actors contributing to counterterrorism increasingly consider, engage and impact women as agents, partners, and targets of their work. Yet, flawed assumptions and stereotypes remain prevalent, and it remains undocumented and unclear how and why counterterrorism efforts have evolved as they did, including in relation to women. Drawing on extensive primary source documents, A Woman's Place traces the evolution of women in US counterterrorism efforts through the administrations of Presidents Bush, Obama, and Trump, examining key agencies like the US Department of Defense, the Department of State, and USAID. In their own words, Joana Cook investigates how and why women have developed the roles they have, and interrogates US counterterrorism practices in key countries like Iraq, Afghanistan, and Yemen. Analysing conceptions of and responses to terrorists, she also considers how the roles of women in Al- Qaeda and Daesh have evolved and impacted on US counterterrorism considerations.

Author:
Publisher:
ISBN: 9780275995317
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 484

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Author: Thomas Lynch
Publisher: Createspace Independent Publishing Platform
ISBN: 9781542915311
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 44

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Central Asia is the third largest point of origin for Salafi jihadist foreign fighters in the conflagration in Syria and Iraq, with more than 4,000 total fighters joining the conflict since 2012 and 2,500 reportedly arriving in the 2014-2015 timeframe alone. As the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) continues to lose territory under duress from U.S.-led anti-ISIL coalition activities, some predict that many may return home bent on jihad and generating terror and instability across Central Asia. Yet several factors indicate that such an ominous foreign fighter return may not materialize. Among these factors are that a majority of Central Asians fighting for ISIL and the al-Nusra Front in Syria and Iraq are recruited while working abroad in Russia, often from low-wage jobs under poor conditions making the recruits ripe for radicalization. In addition, many of those heading for jihad in Syria and the Levant expect that they are on a "one way journey," some to martyrdom but most for a completely new life, and do not plan a return. Most Central Asian states face their greatest risk of domestic instability and violent extremism as a reaction to political repression and counterterrorism (CT) policies that counterproductively conflate political opposition and the open practice of Islam with a domestic jihadist threat. If improperly calibrated, greater U.S. CT assistance to address foreign fighter returns may strengthen illiberal regime short-term focus on political power consolidation, overplay the limited risks of foreign fighter returns, and increase the risks of domestic unrest and future instability. The United States has few means to pressure Central Asian regimes into policies that address the main drivers of domestic radicalization, such as political inclusion and religious freedom. Although an imperfect instrument, U.S. security assistance-and the specific subset of CT assistance-is a significant lever. U.S. CT assistance for Central Asia should eschew additional general lethal assistance and instead scope security attention toward border security intelligence and physical capacity enhancements. This CT aid should be paired with important, complementary socioeconomic programs that help with countering violent extremism, including greater religious and political openness along with support for the Central Asian diaspora.