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Author: Alyson J. K. Bailes Publisher: Oxford University Press ISBN: 9780199290840 Category : History Languages : en Pages : 460
Book Description
In 1999 the EU decided to develop its own military capacities for crisis management. This book brings together a group of experts to examine the consequences of this decision on Nordic policy establishments, as well as to shed new light on the defence and security issues that matter for Europe as a whole.
Author: Alyson J. K. Bailes Publisher: Oxford University Press ISBN: 9780199290840 Category : History Languages : en Pages : 460
Book Description
In 1999 the EU decided to develop its own military capacities for crisis management. This book brings together a group of experts to examine the consequences of this decision on Nordic policy establishments, as well as to shed new light on the defence and security issues that matter for Europe as a whole.
Author: Gregory Flynn Publisher: Routledge ISBN: 1000288285 Category : History Languages : en Pages : 279
Book Description
This book, first published in 1985, analyses the choices made by NATO’s northern allies during the 1970s and 80s, as well as the factors that produced these choices. Each country study investigates the historical background of the decision to align, the existence of specific enduring security preferences, and the way in which these have – to the extent they have – been reconciled in policy. The studies then examine defence policy priorities during tranquil periods, detail the factors responsible for promoting change in the way each country has formulated security priorities, and look at the way in which disputes have been played out in domestic political life. Finally, the studies analyse the broad outline of future priorities at the end of the Cold War.
Author: Johan C. Haraldsen Publisher: ISBN: Category : National security Languages : en Pages : 298
Book Description
Study of the implications of NATO expansion on Norway and Norwegian Security policy. Subject is examined through identification of historical characteristics in Norwegian security policy, historical and current threat assessment, identification of Norwegian concerns over NATO expansion, possible collective security alternatives, and the internal Norwegian political debate concerning security issues.
Author: Jon Pierre Publisher: Oxford University Press ISBN: 0199665672 Category : Political Science Languages : en Pages : 737
Book Description
The Handbook provides a broad introduction to Swedish politics, and how Sweden's political system and policies have evolved over the past few decades.
Author: Keir Giles Publisher: CSRC ISBN: 1905962762 Category : Europe Languages : en Pages : 53
Book Description
"Because of both history and geography, the Finnish relationship with Russia is unique in Europe. At the same time the Finnish perception of Russia as a source of security challenges is acute. Finland is engaged in a debate over whether it would be desirable to seek membership of NATO in order to mitigate these challenges. A full and frank debate has been difficult because it is constrained by a range of political and societal taboos; nevertheless there are indicators that a move toward NATO is not impossible in the foreseeable future. If Finland were to opt for joining NATO, this would register in Russian defence and security thinking as a serious concern. Unlike the Baltic accession in 2004, the response from the newly assertive Russia could potentially be swift and damaging. This would also have implications for Russian relations with the EU, of which Finland has been a member since 1995. Many in Finland see the EU as a security provider, and there is confusion in the national debate between EU or Nordic security policy cooperation and an actual defensive alliance. Finland's NATO argument is a complex and multi-faceted one, made even more so by regional and cultural specifics; but it needs to be understood because its result could have a major impact on Russia's relationships with both NATO and the EU."--Page i.
Author: Justyna Gotkowska Publisher: ISBN: Category : European Union countries Languages : en Pages : 31
Book Description
Theses1. Sweden and Finland have come a long way in their relations with NATO -from collaboration as part of crisis management operations in the Western Balkans and Afghanistan to co-operation with NATO in the Baltic Sea region focused on improving regional security and deterring an increasingly aggressive Russia. NATO's co-operation with these two countries is the mostadvanced when compared to all other partner states, as the format of NATO's28+2 meetings with both countries shows. 2. The significance of co-operation with NATO in the security strategies of bothSweden and Finland is steadily growing. However, while developing closermilitary co-operation with NATO and the USA and intensifying Swedish-Finnish relations, both countries underline their non-aligned status. Thisis unlikely to be revised in the coming years. The key decisions in foreignand security policy in the two countries are consensus-based - they needextensive political and public support, which restricts the possibility of anyabrupt changes. 3. In Sweden discussions on NATO membership have intensified since2013 with the political scene split in two on the issue. One of the key obstaclespreventing Sweden from deciding to join NATO is the Social Democrats'negative stance. Opinion polls suggest however a gradual decline in publicopposition and growing support for membership, which is a consequence ofRussia's increasingly provocative actions in the Nordic-Baltic region. NATOaccession may be one of the topics of the campaign ahead of the parliamentaryelection in Sweden in 2018.4. In Finland the membership issue is discussed mainly on the expert levelrather than on the political level. Public support for accession has remainedlow for years, and the Russian-Ukrainian war has not had any major impacton this. Therefore, the issue of NATO accession has been a marginal issuein Finnish politics. Only two out of the eight parliamentary parties backmembership. Neither change in the stance of most political parties, nor anincrease in public support should be expected in the coming years. However, this could change were Sweden to decide to join NATO. 5. In recent years Moscow has taken actions to intimidate the Swedish andFinnish political elites and public in order to discourage them from joiningNATO or enhancing co-operation with the alliance. The Kremlin has employed not only military tools for this purpose, such as offensive militaryexercises, violation of national air space and strengthening its militarypresence in the region, but also disinformation campaigns. These are aimedat undermining public trust in the Swedish and Finnish governments andthe credibility of the two countries' policies in the eyes of their partners. 6. In the coming years, Sweden and Finland will make efforts to enhance politicaland military co-operation with NATO regardless of the way their discussionson membership develop. NATO's activity in the Baltic Sea regionwill focus increasingly on collective defence and for this reason the engagementin it of non-aligned countries will cause controversies - both amongNATO members as well as in Sweden and Finland. Therefore, the militarynon-alignment of the two countries will be an increasingly stronger impedimentto the further enhancement of co-operation with NATO in the future. 7. Stockholm's close co-operation with NATO has had a positive impact on regionalsecurity but it has also adversely affected Swedish security policy. Part of the Swedish political elite believes that Sweden is already coveredby NATO's security guarantees to a certain extent. Increasingly close cooperationwith NATO gives Stockholm an illusory sense of security so thegovernment does not feel obliged to substantially increase defence spending. From Helsinki's perspective, enhanced military co-operation with NATOcontributes to the modernisation of the Finnish armed forces and indicatesthat Finland is part of the West. The fact that subsequent Finnish governmentshave maintained the option to seek NATO membership is treated asan element of the policy of deterrence towards Russia rather than as a genuinelyconsidered alternative in security policy. 8. Sweden's and Finland's increasingly close co-operation with NATO does noteliminate the uncertainty about the scope of these two countries' co-operationwith NATO should there be a military conflict in the region. Consideringits geographic situation, Sweden would most likely become involvedin a conflict between Russia and NATO, and it would find it hard to avoidpolitical and military co-operation with NATO. Finland would make effortsto remain outside the theatre of operations and would limit its actions todefending its own territory. 9. The policy of the new US administration may affect the Swedish and Finnishsecurity policies. If President Donald Trump introduces a 'reset' policyin relations with Russia, its consequences may be felt by the countries in-between NATO and Russia, including non-aligned Sweden and Finlandand may bring a limitation of US bilateral military co-operation with Stockholmand Helsinki. This would pose a huge challenge to both countries and would force them to revise their security policies.
Author: Hagemann, Anine Publisher: Nordic Council of Ministers ISBN: 9289361433 Category : Social Science Languages : en Pages : 57
Book Description
For a long time, the Nordic countries have been a region of peace, with the ability to resolve conflicts peacefully among themselves, and a region for peace, actively promoting peace globally. Although efforts to actively brand the Nordic region are ongoing, the Nordic Peace brand is an area with untapped potential. The Nordics have rich traditions for working together on peace and conflict resolution. These joint efforts have grown organically and informally from like-mindedness, letting the common Nordic culture and ways of working foster integration among them where relevant. The people working in the Nordic countries on Nordic cooperation and peace recognize the potential of strengthening the Nordic Peace brand. One area of special potential is increasing focus on the shared Nordic priorities of prevention and the women, peace and security agenda as part of the Nordic Peace brand.
Author: Gunnar Wetterberg Publisher: Nordic Council of Ministers ISBN: 9289321326 Category : Scandinavia Languages : en Pages : 86
Book Description
The Nordic Region 2030: The five Nordic countries have formed a federal political entity - the United Nordic Federation. The new federation, with its joint constitution, joint government and population of 25 million, is a brand-new and major player on the European stage - well it would be if the countries have the courage to make it happen. The controversial historian Gunnar Wetterberg provides objective and detailed arguments for a new Nordic federation. A real federation, with responsibility for foreign and defence policy, the economic framework and all of the key legislative areas, from immigration to social policy. Last year, Wetterberg breathed new life into the debate about the rebirth of the Kalmar Union. The emotional, hard-hitting debate resonated all the way to Germany, Spain and Italy. He now presents his vision of the United Nordic Federation in theNordic Council and Nordic Council of Ministers' Yearbook 2010. His highly controversial proposal is expected to reignite the debate in all five of the Nordic countries.