Author: Josip Broz TitoPublisher: Beograd: Jugoslávijá
ISBN:
Category : Belgrade (Serbia)
Languages : en
Pages : 60
Book Description
Forty Years of Revolutionary Struggle of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia
Author: Josip Broz TitoPublisher: Beograd: Jugoslávijá
ISBN:
Category : Belgrade (Serbia)
Languages : en
Pages : 60
Book Description
Fourty Years of Revolutionary Struggle of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia
Author: Josip Broz TitoForty Years of Revolutionary Struggle of the Communist Pary of Jugoslavia. (The Text of a Speech Delivered ... at a ... Session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia ... in Beograd on April 19, 1959.).
Author: Tito (Marshal.)Forty Years of Revolutionary Strugle of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. (Speech delivered at a session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, April 19, 1959.).
Author: Fifty Years of Revolutionary Struggle by the Communists of Yugoslavia
Author: Josip Broz TitoSixty Years of Revolutionary Struggle of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia
Author: Josip Broz TitoThe Contested Country
Author: Aleksa DjilasPublisher: Harvard University Press
ISBN: 9780674166981
Category : History
Languages : en
Pages : 280
Book Description
Published amid the unraveling of the second Yugoslavia, The Contested Country lays bare the roots of the idea of Yugoslav unity--its conflict with the Croatian and Serbian national ideologies and its peculiar alliance with liberal and progressive, especially Communist, ideologies.
Sixty Years of Revolutionary Struggle of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia
Author: Josip Broz TitoTito and Socialist Revolution of Yugoslavia
Author: Edvard KardeljPublisher:
ISBN:
Category : Communism
Languages : en
Pages : 284
Book Description
Chapter 2. Revolutionary Brothers
Author: Igor ŠtiksPublisher:
ISBN: 9781474221559
Category :
Languages : en
Pages : 0
Book Description
The second chapter brings an answer the question of why Yugoslavia was brought back to life as a multinational and socialist federation, after a politically disastrous experience in the inter-war period and its complete disappearance during the Second World War. Almost hundred years of Marxist debates on the national question resounded heavily within different factions of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. What is called here 'the federalist formula for the socialist re-unification of Yugoslavia' proved, eventually, to be an effective tool and possibly the most decisive element of the communist-led Resistance's victory in the Second World War. Eric Hobsbawm once remarked that 'each Communist party was the child of the marriage of two ill-assorted partners, a national Left and the October revolution. That marriage was based both on love and convenience' (2001: 3). In other words, it was the marriage between the specific national circumstances that required a corresponding political strategy and the imperative of a Moscow-led world revolution and, as was often the case, its own particular state interests. The two agendas did not always go hand in hand and the outcome of any clash between them was usually detrimental to the political position of national Communist parties within their own societies. The Communist Party of Yugoslavia was not an exception to the rule until its break with Stalin in 1948. However, classic (im)balances between nationalism and internationalism in the communist struggles in South-Slavic lands took the form of a complex relationship between separate ethnic nationalisms (Serb, Croatian and Slovene), Yugoslavism that would later on be turned into a specific South-Slavic inter-nationalism, Balkan regionalism and global internationalism. In order to properly answer the question of why Yugoslavia was re-unified as a socialist multinational federation in 1945 and how an entirely different conception of citizenship was actually developed through decades of theoretical and political struggles, one must first examine the history of two intellectual and political traditions that shaped the discussions, opinions, political meandering and, ultimately, the decisions of Yugoslav communists: on the one hand, Marxist tradition and the debates within the Marxist movement on the national question and the form of the socialist state, and, on the other, Yugoslavism as the ideology of South-Slavic national and political unity. For more than a century and a half the relationship between Marxism and nationalism was at different times either conflicted or complementary. The conflicts between the two ideologies that grew significantly around the same 38time in the nineteenth century were a matter of principle. The complementarities between them, on the other hand, were more the product of historical and political realism. Nationalism was not a phenomenon destined to wither away so soon, as Marxists had predicted and hoped, and ignorance of this bitter fact would prove politically harmful. Marxists thus had to learn how to come to terms with nationalism and even how to manipulate it for their own ends (Connor 1984: 6). In addition, nationalists of various stripes equally learned how to manipulate demands for social justice and equality for their own agenda. South-Slavic Marxists found themselves, ideologically and politically, in a rather confusing situation. From the very outset, they had to face two opponents who appeared in the guise of nationalism and had to be either fought or accommodated: the separate South-Slavic ethnic nationalisms on the one hand and, on the other, Yugoslavism that aspired to unite linguistically and culturally similar South Slavs in a common state. On the plane of ideology, Marxists had to overcome the philosophical incompatibility between the internationalist class struggle and local nationalist demands which cut across class lines. In the South-Slavic lands, the task was even more complex as two parallel nationalist movements - one seeking higher Yugoslav unity, the other arguing for the separate political autonomy of ethnic groups - often complemented one another, but at other times were in open conflict. Moreover, the political and territorial ambitions entailed by the various ethnic nationalisms often collided with each other. Eventually, as elsewhere, a marriage of necessity brought the two together. Yugoslav communists had to acknowledge that nationalism was a potent political force. They thus continued searching for a political project that could successfully combine both social and national emancipation in the context of developed and often mutually exclusive national projects of neighbouring groups. In this chapter, I show how the Yugoslav communists 'discovered' the successful federalist formula for the socialist re unification of Yugoslavia after the Second World War as well as how, as with any 'successful' formula, its discovery was preceded by numerous fruitless experiments.